It’s election time a time to make promises, never mind if they are not kept later! If the electoral pledge to pass the Women’s Reservation Bill is any indicator, for women, at least these promises appear to be empty political rhetoric. It’s an assurance that has appeared in the manifestos of every major political party ever since the 12th Lok Sabha elections and remains unfulfilled for the last 18 years! And yet, as a glance at the manifestoes of the Congress and the BJP shows, there is a brazen reiteration of the promise, with not even a single line expressing regret for their crass betrayal.
Emergence of women as ‘vote bank’
Of late, women have become a special focus of political parties and their election campaigns. For many years, like much of the work they do, the voting power of women has remained hugely invisible. It was somehow assumed that women have no independent political opinions and followed the diktats of the men in their families. It is only after the debates around the question of political reservations for women at the time of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendments that first reserved one-third of seats in Panchayats and Municipal bodies for women that the political representation of women started being taken seriously by mainstream political parties. It is no coincidence that it was the same period during which many parties had to find a way of wooing new voters since they were fast losing their traditional base due to their inability to solve the basic issues of poverty, inflation and unemployment. Women’s organisations were also at the forefront in pointing out the failures of respective governments to address women’s issues. As a result, the eighties saw the beginnings of special measures aimed at attracting women’s votes, and the emergence of the notion of a distinct women’s “vote bank”. The National Perspective Plan for Women, subsequent policies for women at the national and state levels, the formation of the National and State Women’s Commissions, the incorporation of the concept of “gender policy and mainstreaming” in the planning process were all a result of these intertwined and complex processes.
Rise in women’s representation
It is therefore interesting that over the years, there has been a consistent increase in the proportion of women voters, in comparison to men. The difference in 1957 was 17 percent; it went down to five percent by 2009. The voter sex ratio (the number of women voters per 1000 men) increased from 795 in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections to 846 in the Assembly elections. In fact in the recent Assembly elections, women appear to have outpaced men; in Delhi, 65.6 percent women voted compared to 65.4 percent men, in Madhya Pradesh, their proportion was 74 percent compared to 70 percent men. The impact of women’s reservations in the local self government bodies which has resulted in a greater visibility to women in public spaces, as candidates, campaigners and voters, coupled with the opportunity to raise women’s issues on these platforms has no doubt been an important factor. The Election Commission has also played a role in encouraging women voters by identifying and focusing on those areas where women have displayed low voter turnouts. It is therefore not surprising that political parties are now obliged to include a chapter of women in their election manifestoes, and the current parliamentary elections are no exception. The Congress (I) stands for “Women’s Empowerment and the Protection of Children”, for the BJP it’s “Women – The Nation Builder”, for the AAP, it is a question of “Gender Justice” while the CPI (M) speaks up “In Defence of Women’s Rights”.
Interestingly, a reading of these chapters reveals that there is not a great deal of substantive difference in the issues raised and promises made in the manifestos. Empowerment, security, dignity, development are words that appear with unfailing familiarity and regularity. Strict implementation of laws for women, loans to women’s self help groups at lower rates of interest (only the CPI (M) specifies four percent) skill training, encouragement to the girl child through various schemes, loans for women entrepreneurs, hostels for girl students and working women, strengthening the ICDS (Integrated Child Development Services) and improved conditions of Anganwadi workers, improved civic facilities such as toilets and drinking water are some of the common assurances in all these manifestos. On the face of it, then, there doesn’t seem to be much to choose between them. They all appear to be committed to the cause of women’s equality and justice. It is actually the titles that reflect their differences in approach to the “women’s question” in general. The Congress continues with its traditional “Women and Child” approach, while the BJP reflects the ideological perspective of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh that talks of Bharat Mata (Mother Nation) and equates the honour of the nation with women’s honour. It is only the AAP and the Left that speak the language of rights and about justice for women.
Neo-liberal economic agendas responsible for discontent
The party manifestos should therefore actually be assessed in the context of the overall policies that these parties and their manifestos represent. Regardless of the electoral rhetoric, the experience of the last 20 years has borne out the fact that there is no fundamental difference in the policies of the BJP and the Congress. Both subscribe to neo-liberal economic agendas, and these are fully reflected in their manifestos, past and present.
The new entrant, Aam Aadmi Party sees the crony capitalist policies pursued by both these parties as a root cause of the corruption it has declared it will eradicate. However, apart from the Left parties, none of them point out the link between their economic and social agendas. It must be noted that it is neo-liberal economic policies that deprive people of their livelihood and access to public services; the discontent that arises out of this deprivation is manifold for socially oppressed sections such as Dalits, tribals, minorities and women. They also breed and encourage sectarian tensions based on caste, community, region, language, etc., which are utilised by political parties to catch votes on the basis of chauvinist slogans. Women lose out on all counts – due to the adverse impact of the economic policies, and the emerging social tensions that impact them.
It is in this context that we must see the ‘Charter of Demands’ put forth by the secular and progressive women’s movement for the 16th Lok Sabha elections. As they put it in their preamble, they consider it as “a crucial battle, coming as it does in the wake of increasing sexual violence, honour crimes, and atrocities against Dalit, adivasi and minority women, together with rising unemployment, hunger, and relentless price rise.” The Charter states that the “the outcome of these elections will greatly impact women’s struggles for safety, equality and progress, and gives a call to all women in the country to vote in a “a secular government that promotes women’s interest.”
[/column][column size=”4/5″]
Kiran Moghe
The writer is National Secretary, All India Democratic Women’s Association.[/column]